Strengthening Europe’s Defence Capabilities: Challenges and Perspectives

Strengthening Europe’s Defence Capabilities

After years of underinvestment, the goal of enhancing Europe’s defence capabilities is increasingly shared among leaders across the European Union. However, the approaches to achieving this aim vary significantly, influenced by the positions of different political factions and the specific countries they represent.

Marie-Agnes Strack Zimmermann (Germany/Renew Europe), who chairs the Security and Defence subcommittee (SEDE), articulated the challenges ahead as Europe advances towards a European Defence Union. She emphasized the need to move beyond the national industry mentality and to recognize the necessity of a collective effort to address capability gaps. Strack Zimmermann advocates for the establishment of a European army, fostering closer partnerships with allied nations, and exploring various funding mechanisms at the European level, including the introduction of eurobonds.

However, some of her proposals may clash with radical and far-right factions within the European Parliament, particularly those that gained strength in the recent European elections and now constitute over a quarter of the SEDE subcommittee.

NATO Cooperation: A Cornerstone of Defence

In discussions with MEPs from the far-right groups, Patriots for Europe (PfE) and European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR)—the third and fourth largest political forces in the European Parliament—it became evident that while there is consensus on the need for stronger European defence, ideological divides rooted in nationalism and geography remain pronounced.

  • NATO as the Primary Defence Framework: The far-right MEPs, particularly those from smaller member states, assert that NATO should remain the cornerstone of Europe’s defence strategy. With 23 of the EU’s 27 member states also being NATO allies, they recognize the significance of transatlantic military cooperation.
  • Building Defence Readiness: These MEPs argue that EU member states must enhance their own defence capabilities to ensure readiness and to play a more substantial role within NATO. For instance, MEP Claudiu Târziu (Romania/ECR) highlighted the importance of small nations like Latvia, Lithuania, or Estonia being able to defend themselves independently until NATO allies can intervene.

MEP Alice Teodorescu (Sweden/PfE) added that by bolstering the European defence industry, Europe could make a more robust and complementary contribution to NATO, thereby enhancing the overall resilience and strategic autonomy of the alliance.

However, when it comes to addressing capability gaps—which are primarily a national concern—geographical factors play a crucial role. For Latvian conservative MEP Reinis Poznaks (ECR), a collaborative approach among member states is essential to enhance European defence capabilities.

Funding EU’s Defence Capability Gaps

As Poznaks pointed out, the EU’s dependency on external suppliers for military and technological needs is concerning. Between February 2022 and mid-2023, 75% of new defence orders were sourced from outside Europe. Experts estimate that the EU will require an additional €50 billion over the next decade to remain competitive against global powers like the US and China.

In response to these challenges, leaders of member states have agreed to enhance cooperation and increase funding for joint projects. However, the EU budget is limited, and competing priorities pose significant hurdles. Commissioner-designate Andrius Kubilius (EPP/Lithuania) has expressed openness to exploring alternative financing options for defence needs, including the issuance of common debt—a proposal that Tânger opposes, preferring that each nation maintain control over its defence budget.

The Debate on Creating an EU Army

Strack Zimmermann envisions “a European army as our long-term goal.” She pointed to the EU’s existing Rapid Deployment Capacity (RDC) as a foundational step towards establishing a common military force. The RDC aims to enable the EU to deploy a modular force of up to 5,000 soldiers in crisis situations by 2025.

On this front, far-right MEPs tend to align, suggesting that the RDC and NATO capabilities represent the extent of EU military cooperation. They express concerns that a common army could infringe upon national sovereignty. MEP Tânger stated, “I prioritize strengthening each nation’s military over any EU-led force, which is why a rapid deployment capability for crisis response may be acceptable only within strict limits.” Similarly, Poznaks emphasized that NATO remains the preferred framework for defence, as a common army could lead to external decision-making about national security.

In contrast, MEP Teodorescu is more open to international cooperation under EU auspices, provided that national sovereignty and the individual participation levels of member states are respected. She sees potential in integrating military capabilities among willing member states to complement NATO’s efforts, thus enhancing both EU and regional stability.

Integrating Third Countries into the Defence Market

Another area of potential agreement is the integration of allied third countries into the EU’s defence market. This integration could permit these countries to access joint procurement schemes and potentially receive EU investments. The United Kingdom, a key European ally, stands to benefit significantly, having established several bilateral defence agreements with various EU member states.

Strack Zimmermann asserted, “The United Kingdom is and will remain a very important partner for the EU, especially in the field of defence. As a NATO partner, it should not be treated like any other third country, but should at least have privileged access to the single market for defence.”

While Poznaks supports including “strategic partners” in EU defence schemes, he cautioned that conditions must be established to ensure that member states retain control over their military capabilities. In contrast, Târziu firmly opposes the idea of a single market for defence, viewing it as a tool of globalism.

These differences suggest that achieving a unified stance among radical and far-right factions on Europe’s new defence strategy will be a challenging endeavor.

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